Midwest to Sterling. His support
remained solid in the South, the crucial states of Florida and Texas,
and California, the mountain West. If Beckwith could capture them all,
he could win. If any one of them fell to Sterling, the election was
lost. He knew the downing of Flight 002 would change everything. The
campaign would freeze; Beckwith would cancel a swing through Tennessee
and Kentucky to return to Washington to deal with the crisis. If he
managed it well, his approval ratings would rise and he would close the
gap. And he could do it all from the comfort and security of the White
House, not racing around the country in Air Force One or some god
forsaken campaign bus, shaking hands with old people, making the same
goddamned speech over and over again. Great men are not born great, he
told himself. Great men become great because they seize opportunity.
He carried his coffee back to the window. He thought, But do I really
want a second term? Unlike most of his predecessors, he had given that
question serious consideration. He wondered whether he had the endurance
for one last national campaign: the endless fund-raising, the
microscopic scrutiny of his record, the constant travel. He and Anne had
come to detest living in Washington. He had never been accepted by the
city's ruling elite--its rich journalists, lawyers, and lobbyists--and
the Executive Mansion had become more like a prison than a home. But to
leave office after one term was unacceptable. To lose reelection to a
second-term senator from Nebraska and leave Washington in defeat ... ?
Beckwith shuddered at the thought.
They would be coming for him soon. There was a private bathroom just off
his study. An aide had left his clothes on a hook on the back of the
door. The President went inside and cast his eyes over the clothing. He
knew the outfit had been selected personally by his chief of staff and
longtime friend, Paul Vandenberg. Paul saw to the details; Paul saw to
everything. Beckwith would be lost without him. Sometimes, even Beckwith
was embarrassed by the extent to which Paul Vandenberg ran his affairs.
The media routinely referred to him as "the prime minister" or "the
power behind the throne." Beckwith, ever conscious of his image in
history, worried he would be written off as a pawn of Paul Vandenberg.
But Vandenberg had given Beckwith his word; he would never portray
himself in that manner. The President trusted him. Paul Vandenberg knew
how to keep secrets. He believed in the quiet exercise of power. He was
intensely private, kept a low profile, and leaked to reporters only when
it was absolutely necessary., He reluctantly appeared on the Sunday
morning talk shows, but only when the White House press secretary
begged. Beck-with thought he was a horrible guest; the confidence and
brilliance he displayed in private planning and policy meetings
evaporated once the red light of the television camera came on. He
removed his faded jeans and cotton pullover and dressed in the clothes
Paul had chosen for him: gray woolen trousers, blue button-down shirt,
lightweight crew-neck sweater, blue blazer. Dignified yet comforting.
His national security staff was meeting in ten minutes in the dining
room downstairs. There would be no video cameras, just a White House
still photographer who would capture the moment for the press and for
history. James Beckwith, confronting the most important crisis of his
presidency. James Beckwith, casting aside his reelection campaign to
deal with the responsibilities of his office. James Beckwith, leader. He
looked at his reflection in the mirror one last time. Great men are not
born great. Great men become great because they seize opportunity.
CHAPTER 3.
Washington, ELIZABETH OSBOURNE had been dreading this moment all week.
She turned her silver Mercedes into the parking lot at Georgetown
University Medical Center and found a space not far from the entrance.
She looked at the